|
Outlook 2004: Politics
in the U.S. Overtake Policies and Peacemaking in the Middle East
Turmoil remains
the word that best characterizes the situations in the Middle East, as
well as United States’ policy toward the region. As the new year
begins—
• The U.S.
continues to have trouble enlisting major international partners in
its Iraq campaign;
• Unofficial
Israeli-Palestinian peace initiatives are filling the vacuum left by
the fading Road Map;
• Perhaps
branding Syria and Iran as “evil” will prove to have been not such a
good idea;
• The
consequences of the reversal by the Bush Administration, relative to
nation-building, are as yet unknown.
Following the
debacle of justifying war on
Iraq
(because of the supposed threat posed by its weapons of mass
destruction), diplomatic arms control may be back in fashion.
Meanwhile, the Democratic presidential candidates are stumbling and
stuttering to distinguish themselves from the pack, while
simultaneously criticizing President Bush and supporting the troops.
Iraq
Is Emerging as a Top Campaign Issue
It will be
difficult for the American public to be confident in their opinion
about the war in
Iraq and what is
best for the American and Iraqi people. The differences among the
Democratic candidates over who supported and who opposed the war have
overtaken serious debate about what should now be the strategy of the
U.S.
The Administration
will continue to give the American public patriotic images and
positive impressions. If the transition to Iraqi self-rule goes
smoothly and there is a perception of success, public opinion will
lean toward the Commander-in-Chief. Critics of our
Iraq policy are
threatened by simplistic charges of being soft on defense and not
supporting the troops. Congress can be expected to be partisan, but
each Senator and Representative will have to deal—regardless of the
success or failure of the operation—with the tremendous financial
costs of the Iraq war and its aftermath.
Is it the
end of the road, or a new beginning?
The attempt by the
Bush Administration to lay low and stay out of the Israeli-Palestinian
fray was never feasible. Obliged to Britain’s Prime Minister Tony
Blair for his support on
Iraq,
President Bush finally released the Road Map and a few months later
took a major and decisive step by explicitly calling for the creation
of a Palestinian state. While there have been signs that the
President’s intention was genuine, there has been little evidence of
the political will to do what needs to be done.
The commitment of
the Sharon
government toward the West Bank and Gaza settlements shows little sign
of lessening, despite entreaties from the United States and the
requirements of the Road Map.
Israel’s
building of the separation wall will be a prominent issue in early
2004. Photos of the wall—in some places a massive concrete structure
25 feet high—are readily interpreted by both U.S. officials and
ordinary people as odious, and its snake-like line on maps as making
impossible a contiguous Palestinian state.
While the
Administration may want again to place Israeli-Palestinian dealings in
the deep freeze, it may decide to revitalize the Road Map as a counter
to the Geneva Accord and Nusseibeh/Ayalon public petition. It is
expected that the issue of the Palestinian refugees’ rights and
future, an element of both peace initiatives, will be a prominent and
hot topic in the region, the U.N. and the
United States.
If the
Sharon
government were to fall, there would be an additional reason for
placing on hold the difficult compromises that peacemaking could
bring. Meanwhile, the desperate economic and societal situation of the
Palestinians worsens, with the fledgling Palestinian Authority losing
public confidence that the promise of the vital democratic state can
be realized.
As Congress
resumes work in January, there are constructive resolutions on the
table that lend support to peacemaking (Capps/Houghton resolution in
support of Middle East Peace H.Res.479, and Feinstein/Chafee
resolution in support of Middle East Peace S.Res.279).
It is customary
for presidential campaigns to bring out the worst of political
pandering, with pledges to move the
U.S. embassy to
Jerusalem being a favored ploy. Despite his campaign promise to move
the embassy, President Bush has dutifully signed a national security
waiver every six months as did President Clinton before him. Candidate
Richard Gephardt has reopened this can of worms by saying, in an
interview with the
New York
Jewish weekly Forward, that the embassy could be moved without
delay before any peace deal is in place
Diplomacy
May Replace Bombastic Bravado
The terrible
earthquake in
Iran may provide
the impetus for the United States to resume talks with Iran under U.N.
auspices. Bush cast Iran as part of the “axis of evil” in his 2002
State of the Union address. Since then the Bush Administration has
reviewed its policy on Iran, and come to an impasse, three times.
But things have
changed. The Administration has agreed to use diplomatic engagement
with North
Korea as the means to combat its deadly weapons. Libya has agreed to
surrender its weapons of mass destruction programs. And, most
significantly,
Iran
has agreed to allow surprise inspections of its nuclear program.
Syria is the only
country on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism
with which the United States has diplomatic relations. Observers note
that this keeps the door open for a resumption of negotiations with
Israel over the Golan Heights and provides for those spurts of
U.S.-Syrian cooperation in terrorism matters and common interests.
Nevertheless, fears remain among some pundits that Syria is next on
the U.S. hit list, especially following Israel’s October bombing in
retaliation for a suicide attack in
Haifa.
Among the issues
of contention with
Syria loom the
pursuit of ballistic weapons and weapons of mass destruction. Congress
passed legislation in late 2003 that requires the Administration to
impose sanctions on Syria. It is speculated that President Bush will
choose, in 2004, to exercise the national security waiver provided in
the bill so that sanctions will not be imposed.
Can a
Common Security Concept Replace the Threat of Annihilation?
It has long been
proposed that the
Middle East become
a region free of weapons of mass destruction, but that proposal has
never been taken seriously by U.S. leaders. The consensus from Middle
East experts is that almost every country in the region has pursued
weapons of mass destruction. According to Joseph Cirincione, who heads
the nonproliferation program at the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, countries have done so primarily because of the
arsenal that
Israel
has built-up. He told Washington Post writer Walter Pincus in
April: “You can’t get rid of chemical or biological or nuclear
programs in Arab countries unless you also address the elimination of
Israel’s
nuclear and chemical programs.”
It is clear that
the many issues related to
Middle East
conflicts must be dealt with concurrently through a comprehensive
peace process. Following the 1991 war with Iraq, a conference in
Madrid launched an international process that combined bilateral talks
between the warring parties and multilateral working groups to deal
with regional issues. Working groups on regional arms control and
refugees were established then but set aside when the
Israeli-Palestinian Oslo peace process began in 1993.
Looking Ahead into 2004
It is sad to say
but it is likely to be true that the less said by campaigning
candidates about the
Middle East, the
better. There are no glib slogans appropriate for the complexities and
sensitivities that characterize the interrelated issues at the heart
of the Israeli-Arab conflict and the region’s nascent democratization.
Those who take up
the cause of championing Middle East peace should do so with a sense
of persistent commitment and be steadfast in our love and compassion
for the Palestinians living under occupation and as refugees, for the
Israelis living in fear and isolation, for the Muslim youth deprived
of opportunity and freedom, for those Arab leaders seeking to
modernize their nations and for all who pray that peace will prevail.
|